Through police eyes

The colonial government’s view of the nationalist movement

Government records are a vital source for historians studying the nationalist movement. The colonial rulers kept close watch on everyone they considered critical of the government. Policemen and officials wrote letters and reports that were secret at the time, but are now available in archives. These documents reveal what the British administration thought was happening — and what it wanted to believe.

One important type of record is the Fortnightly Report, prepared by the Home Department from the early twentieth century. These reports were based on police information from local areas, but they often reflected what higher officials saw, or wanted to see. The officials noted the possibility of sedition and rebellion, but they also liked to reassure themselves that such fears were unwarranted.

The Fortnightly Reports during the Salt March

If you examine the Fortnightly Reports from the period of the Salt March, you will notice a clear pattern: the Home Department was unwilling to accept that Mahatma Gandhi’s actions had evoked any enthusiastic response from the masses. The march was described as a drama, an antic, a desperate effort to mobilise people who were unwilling to rise against the British and were busy with their daily schedules, happy under the Raj.

The textbook reproduces extracts from these reports for the first half of March 1930, the second half of March 1930, and the first half of April 1930. Here is what they reveal province by province.

First half of March 1930

• Gujarat: The rapid political developments in Gujarat were being closely watched. It was difficult to surmise how far and in what directions they would affect political conditions in the province. The peasantry was engaged in harvesting a good rabi crop; students were preoccupied with their impending examinations.

• Central Provinces and Berar: The arrest of Vallabhbhai Patel caused little excitement, except in Congress circles. However, a meeting organised by the Nagpur Nagar Congress Committee to congratulate Gandhi on the start of his march was attended by a crowd of over three thousand people at Nagpur.

• Bengal: The outstanding event of the past fortnight was the start of Gandhi’s campaign of civil disobedience. J.M. Sengupta had formed an All-Bengal Civil Disobedience Council, and the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee had formed an All-Bengal Council of Disobedience. But beyond forming councils, no active steps had yet been taken in the matter of civil disobedience in Bengal. Reports from the districts showed that meetings excited little or no interest and left no profound impression on the general population. It was noticeable, however, that ladies were attending these meetings in increasing numbers.

• Bihar and Orissa: There was still little to report regarding Congress activity. There was a good deal of talk about a campaign to withhold payment of the chaukidari tax, but no area had yet been selected for experiment. The arrest of Gandhi was being foretold freely, but it seemed quite possible that non-fulfilment of the forecast was upsetting plans.

• Madras: The opening of Gandhi’s civil disobedience campaign had completely overshadowed all other issues. General opinion inclined to regard his march as theatrical and his programme as impracticable. But because he was held in such personal reverence by the Hindu public generally, the possibility of arrest — which he seemed deliberately to be courting — and its effect on the political situation were viewed with considerable misgiving.

• Bombay: The twelfth of March was celebrated as the day of inaugurating the civil disobedience campaign. In Bombay, the celebrations took the form of saluting the national flag in the morning.

• Bombay Press: The newspaper Kesari indulged in offensive language and wrote: “If the Government wants to test the power of Satyagraha, both its action and inaction will cause injury to it. If it arrests Gandhi it will incur the discontent of the nation; if it does not do that, the movement of civil disobedience will go on spreading. We therefore say that if the Government punishes Mr. Gandhi the nation will have won a victory, and if it lets him alone it will have won a still greater victory.” On the other hand, the moderate paper Vividh Vritt pointed out the futility of the movement and opined that it could not achieve the end in view. It reminded the government that repression would defeat its purpose.

Second half of March 1930

• Bengal: Interest continued to centre around Gandhi’s march to the sea and the arrangements he was making to initiate a campaign of civil disobedience. Extremist papers reported his doings and speeches at great length and made a great display of the various meetings being held throughout Bengal and the resolutions passed. But there was little enthusiasm for the form of civil disobedience favoured by Gandhi. Generally, people were waiting to see what happened to Gandhi. The probability was that if any action was taken against him, a spark would be set to much inflammable material in Bengal. But the prospect of any serious conflagration was at present slight.

• Central Provinces and Berar: In Nagpur, meetings were well attended. Most of the schools and colleges were deserted on the twelfth of March to mark the inauguration of Gandhi’s march. The boycott of liquor shops and the infringement of forest laws appeared to be the most probable line of attack.

• Punjab: It seemed not improbable that organised attempts would be made to break the Salt Law in the Jhelum district; that the agitation relating to the non-payment of the water-tax in Multan would be revived; and that some movement in connection with the National Flag would be started, probably at Gujranwala.

• United Provinces: Political activity had undoubtedly intensified during the last fortnight. The Congress party felt that it must do something spectacular to sustain public interest. Enrolment of volunteers, propaganda in villages, and preparations for breaking the salt laws on receipt of Mr. Gandhi’s orders were reported from a number of districts.

First half of April 1930

• United Provinces: Events had moved rapidly during the fortnight. Apart from political meetings, processions, and the enrolment of volunteers, the Salt Act had been openly defied at Agra, Cawnpore, Benaras, Allahabad, Lucknow, Meerut, Rae Bareli, Farukhabad, Etawah, Ballia, and Mainpuri. Jawaharlal Nehru was arrested at Cheoki railway station early on the morning of April 14 as he was proceeding to the Central Provinces to attend a meeting of the Youth League. He was taken directly to Naini Central Jail, where he was tried and sentenced to six months simple imprisonment.

• Bihar and Orissa: There had been, or were now materialising, spectacular but small-scale attempts at illicit salt manufacture in a few places.

• Central Provinces: In Jubbalpore, Seth Govinddass had attempted to manufacture chemical salt at a cost many times in excess of the market price of clean salt.

• Madras: Considerable opposition was shown at Vizagapatam to the police when they attempted to seize salt made by boiling sea water. But elsewhere, resistance to the seizure of illicit salt was half-hearted.

• Bengal: In the mufassal, efforts had been made to manufacture illicit salt, the main operation areas being the districts of 24-Parganas and Midnapore. Very little salt had actually been manufactured, and most of it had been confiscated and the utensils in which it was manufactured destroyed.

What these reports reveal …