Q.Assess India's relationship with post-communist Russia. Why does Russia continue to be an important friend of India even after the collapse of the Soviet Union?
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Start your 14-day free trial to unlock the full solution →India and Russia’s relationship survived the Soviet collapse because it was rebuilt on a pragmatic foundation of strategic autonomy, defence interdependence, and shared geopolitical interests — not just ideological nostalgia.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was a seismic shock for India’s foreign policy. For four decades, the USSR had been India’s most reliable ally — a veto-wielding partner at the United Nations, a supplier of cutting-edge military hardware on generous terms, and a counterweight to the US-Pakistan-China axis. When that superpower vanished overnight, many analysts predicted that India-Russia ties would wither. Instead, what followed was a remarkable recalibration.
India did not mourn the Soviet Union. It adapted. The early 1990s were a period of economic crisis and liberalisation for India, and Moscow was itself in turmoil. Yet both sides recognised that the strategic logic of their partnership had not died with the USSR. The new Russia, though weakened, still possessed the world’s second-largest nuclear arsenal, a permanent UN Security Council seat, and a defence-industrial base that India desperately needed. India, for its part, offered Russia a reliable market, a non-aligned partner in Asia, and a counterbalance to NATO’s eastward expansion. The relationship was thus reborn — not as an ideological alliance, but as a pragmatic, interest-driven strategic partnership.
The 1993 Indo-Russian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation replaced the 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation. The new treaty dropped the mutual security clause, reflecting the end of Cold War blocs, but reaffirmed defence and economic ties.
Why does Russia continue to be an important friend of India even today? The answer lies in several enduring pillars.
First, defence cooperation remains the bedrock. Russia has been India’s largest defence supplier for decades. Even as India diversifies its sources — buying from the US, Israel, and France — Russian equipment forms the backbone of the Indian armed forces. The Sukhoi Su-30MKI, the T-90 tanks, the INS Vikramaditya aircraft carrier, and the nuclear-powered submarines are all of Russian origin. More critically, Russia is one of the few countries willing to share sensitive technology, such as hypersonic missiles and nuclear submarine know-how, without the political strings that Western powers often attach. This gives India a degree of strategic autonomy that no other partner offers.
Second, geopolitical alignment on multipolarity. Both India and Russia oppose a unipolar world dominated by any single power. They are founding members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the BRICS grouping. On issues like Afghanistan, Central Asia, and the Arctic, their interests converge. Russia supports India’s permanent membership in a reformed UN Security Council, and India has consistently refrained from condemning Russia’s actions in Ukraine — a stance that reflects deep strategic calculation rather than mere friendship.
Third, energy and nuclear cooperation. Russia is building the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant in Tamil Nadu, and has agreed to construct more units. In a world where nuclear commerce is tightly controlled, Russia remains a reliable partner for India’s civilian nuclear programme. Additionally, India now imports significant quantities of Russian crude oil at discounted prices, especially after Western sanctions disrupted global energy markets. This energy partnership has become a lifeline for India’s economy.
India has never joined any US-led sanctions regime against Russia. This is not accidental — it reflects India’s core foreign policy principle of strategic autonomy, which Russia respects and reinforces. …
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