Q.Environmental movements often also contain economic and identity issues. Discuss.
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Start your 14-day free trial to unlock the full solution →Environmental movements are rarely just about protecting nature — they are deeply intertwined with economic survival and the cultural identity of the communities that depend on the environment.
The idea that environmental movements are single-issue campaigns focused solely on trees, rivers, or wildlife is a common oversimplification. In reality, many of the most powerful environmental struggles in India and around the world have emerged from the everyday lives of people whose livelihoods and sense of self are directly tied to their natural surroundings. When a forest is threatened, it is not just a loss of green cover — it is a loss of fuel, fodder, water, and the very landscape that defines a community’s history and way of life. This is why social movement theorists argue that environmental movements are often simultaneously economic movements and identity movements.
Consider the Chipko movement of the 1970s in the Garhwal Himalayas. At first glance, it was a protest against deforestation. But the women who hugged the trees were not abstract environmentalists. They were villagers whose entire household economy depended on the forest for firewood, animal feed, and small timber. The trees were their grocery store and their fuel depot. When the state granted logging contracts to outside commercial interests, it threatened not just the ecology but the economic survival of the village. The movement was therefore an economic struggle against the displacement of local subsistence needs by distant commercial profit.
At the same time, Chipko was an assertion of identity. The women leading the protests drew on a long cultural tradition of reverence for trees and forests, often invoking local deities and folk songs. Their resistance was not just about stopping axes — it was about defending a way of life, a set of values, and a relationship with nature that defined who they were as a community. The movement gave voice to a distinct hill identity that felt marginalised by the centralised, urban-oriented development model of the Indian state.
The same pattern can be seen in the Narmada Bachao Andolan. The movement opposed large dams not only because they would submerge forests and farmland, but because they would displace hundreds of thousands of adivasi and peasant families. For these communities, the river valley was not just a piece of land — it was their ancestral home, their source of livelihood, and the centre of their cultural and spiritual life. The struggle was simultaneously environmental, economic, and deeply about identity.
Another clear example is the movement of adivasi communities against mining in central India, such as in the Niyamgiri hills in Odisha. The Dongria Kondh people opposed a bauxite mining project not simply because it would destroy a mountain, but because that mountain — Niyamgiri — was the abode of their deity Niyam Raja. Their entire social structure, religious practice, and economic system revolved around the hill. The mining project threatened to erase them as a people. Here, the environmental issue was inseparable from the survival of a distinct cultural identity and the economic base of that identity. …
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